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These times exhibit a quite unique situation: the inaugural US parade of the babysitters. They vary in their skills and traits, but they all share the common goal – to stop an Israeli breach, or even destruction, of Gaza’s unstable peace agreement. After the hostilities concluded, there have been rare days without at least one of the former president's delegates on the ground. Only this past week saw the arrival of a senior advisor, Steve Witkoff, a senator and Marco Rubio – all coming to carry out their assignments.

The Israeli government engages them fully. In only a few days it initiated a set of operations in the region after the loss of two Israel Defense Forces (IDF) troops – resulting, based on accounts, in many of Palestinian fatalities. Multiple ministers demanded a renewal of the conflict, and the Israeli parliament enacted a initial resolution to incorporate the occupied territories. The American response was somehow ranging from “no” and “hell no.”

Yet in various respects, the Trump administration appears more intent on preserving the present, unstable phase of the ceasefire than on moving to the next: the rebuilding of the Gaza Strip. Concerning this, it seems the United States may have aspirations but little concrete proposals.

Currently, it is uncertain at what point the suggested global oversight committee will actually take power, and the same is true for the appointed security force – or even the composition of its personnel. On a recent day, a US official said the United States would not dictate the membership of the international unit on Israel. But if the prime minister's government keeps to dismiss one alternative after another – as it did with the Turkish offer recently – what follows? There is also the opposite point: who will decide whether the units favoured by Israel are even prepared in the task?

The issue of how long it will take to demilitarize Hamas is just as ambiguous. “The aim in the government is that the international security force is intends to at this point take the lead in disarming the organization,” said the official lately. “It’s will require a period.” The former president only reinforced the uncertainty, saying in an interview on Sunday that there is no “fixed” schedule for Hamas to demilitarize. So, theoretically, the unknown participants of this yet-to-be-formed global force could enter the territory while the organization's militants continue to hold power. Would they be dealing with a leadership or a insurgent group? These represent only some of the concerns emerging. Some might question what the result will be for everyday Palestinians under current conditions, with the group persisting to target its own opponents and opposition.

Latest events have afresh highlighted the blind spots of local reporting on the two sides of the Gaza boundary. Each publication seeks to scrutinize each potential perspective of Hamas’s violations of the ceasefire. And, typically, the reality that the organization has been delaying the repatriation of the bodies of killed Israeli captives has taken over the headlines.

By contrast, attention of non-combatant deaths in Gaza stemming from Israeli operations has obtained little focus – if any. Take the Israeli retaliatory actions following a recent Rafah event, in which two military personnel were fatally wounded. While Gaza’s authorities reported 44 deaths, Israeli television analysts complained about the “limited answer,” which targeted only infrastructure.

This is not new. Over the past few days, Gaza’s press agency accused Israeli forces of breaking the ceasefire with the group multiple occasions since the ceasefire was implemented, killing 38 Palestinians and wounding an additional many more. The assertion seemed insignificant to most Israeli reporting – it was just absent. That included reports that 11 members of a Palestinian family were lost their lives by Israeli troops last Friday.

Gaza’s civil defence agency stated the group had been seeking to return to their home in the Zeitoun neighbourhood of Gaza City when the vehicle they were in was fired upon for allegedly passing the “yellow line” that marks territories under Israeli army command. This boundary is invisible to the human eye and shows up only on maps and in official records – sometimes not accessible to ordinary residents in the territory.

Even this incident scarcely got a reference in Israeli journalism. A major outlet covered it shortly on its website, referencing an Israeli military spokesperson who stated that after a suspect car was identified, soldiers discharged alerting fire towards it, “but the car kept to approach the soldiers in a way that posed an imminent danger to them. The forces engaged to remove the risk, in line with the ceasefire.” No fatalities were claimed.

Given this framing, it is no surprise many Israeli citizens think Hamas exclusively is to blame for violating the ceasefire. This belief risks encouraging appeals for a tougher strategy in Gaza.

At some point – perhaps sooner rather than later – it will not be sufficient for American representatives to play caretakers, instructing the Israeli government what not to do. They will {have to|need